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A strong national and region-wide regulatory framework on these issues could be considered symptoms 8 dpo purchase rulide australia. In addition to symptoms nausea headache fatigue discount 150 mg rulide visa the local patient segment medicine ketoconazole cream best order rulide, medical tourism can make the market lucrative for private investors. Private investment in hospitals that targets only medical tourism does not offer a sustainable business model, as medical tourism revenues can fluctuate and be affected by global events such as recession or financial crises. Where promoting medical tourism is an important item on the economic agenda, it should be built on the basis of efficiency and through the development of a strong ecosystem, and it should involve an interplay of the various stakeholders. Recognizing the potential of the region for further growth in medical tourism and the positive externality effects of such tourism. Transportability of health insurance Building on insurance to support health care development across the region is worth considering, where viable. Making health insurance transportable could facilitate health care development in the region. Digitalization and medical technologies In regard to improving the capacity of countries to develop medical technology, Member States could work on developing an environment that is conducive for venture capital firms and startups to establish operations in the region. Data limitation and data coverage Better data are needed to monitor the development of private investment in the health care industry. The provision of such data can help policymakers examine the significance of investment in health care across different value chain segments and can be of use in the design of policies to attract investment. Population growth, changing demographics, universal health care programmes and the rise in non-communicable diseases are pushing up demand for health care services. The private sector can play a role in complementing public efforts and supporting the development of a competitive health care industry. In some Member States, private hospitals and governments have worked closely to develop medical tourism markets. The former relates to regional cooperation and implementation of agreements relating to health care, including market opening and harmonization of standards and regulatory issues. Investors and companies would do well to evaluate and understand the implications of the changing regional investment landscape, which offers opportunities across the health care spectrum. In moving forward to develop a competitive health care environment, existing challenges at the regional and national levels need to be addressed. Cambodia Investment Board/Council for the Development of Cambodia, "Investment incentives". Nikkei Asian Review, "Indonesia opens up some sectors to foreign ownership", 25 May 2016. Cekindo, "Indonesia is home to 260 million people and one of the fastest growing pharmaceutical markets in Asia". Vientiane Times, "Lao-Thai venture to build private hospital in Vientiane", 1 February 2018. Oxford Business Group, "Private sector to drive growth and improve health care in Myanmar" oxfordbusinessgroup. KenResearch, "Philippines healthcare industry to flourish with Government initiatives", 9 May 2018. Sanitas is engaged in primary care clinics and has extensive networks in Colombia, Mexico Peru, Spain, Venezuela, and some parts of Indonesia and the United States. Ministry of Health, Singapore, "The future of Singapore healthcare", 9 September 2019. International Healthcare Research Centre, "Medical tourism destination ranking 2016". Bloomberg, "These are economies with the most (and least) efficient health care", 19 September 2018. Eligible areas include only (i) the 20 provinces with lowest per capita income, (ii) the promoted border provinces in Southern Thailand, and (iii) the special economic development zones. Krungsri Research, "Thailand Industry Outlook 2019-2021: Private hospital industry", February 2019. Vietnam Briefing, "Vietnam: Growing demand for healthcare services", 14 September 2018 ( Pacific Bridge Medical, "Vietnam pharmaceuticals market update 2018", 19 October 2018. Paper presented at Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics, Europe 2003: toward pro-poor policies aid, institutions, and globalization, 24-26 Jun 2003, Oslo. Report on the results of supporting overseas expansion of medical institutions in 2012. Telemedicine: Opportunities and developments in Member States Report on the second global survey on eHealth. Some banks may have representative offices in other countries; this table does not include that information. Note: a Omise has successfully raised a number of rounds of funding, some of which were not disclosed. A health care service provider in a joint venture with Rojana, an industrial park operator in Thailand, to run Sakura Cross Clinic. The group plans to operate nursing facilities and housing for the elderly in Thailand. Acquired a 30 percent stake to complement its business in retirement villages, medical information technology and medical devices. Collaborated with Vietnamese partners to introduce Japanese-style medical services and hospital management system. Frances Medical Center for cancer patients and for Japanese expatriates in the Philippines. The values listed are based on an "active" person at the reference height and weight and at the midpoint ages for each group until age 19. Chapter 8 and Appendix F provide equations and tables to determine estimated energy requirements. Copyright 1997, 1998, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2004, 2005 by the National Academies of Sciences. D recommendations are expressed as cholecalciferol and assume an absence of adequate exposure to sunlight. No part of this work covered by the copyright herein may be reproduced, transmitted, stored or used in any form or by any means graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including but not limited to photocopying, recording, scanning, digitizing, taping, Web distribution, information networks, or information storage and retrieval systems, except as permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without the prior written permission of the publisher. For product information and technology assistance, contact us at Cengage Learning Customer & Sales Support, 1-800-354-9706 For permission to use material from this text or product, submit all requests online at cengage. Sharon To David Stone, for years of love, friendship, and assistance with numerous academic and musical pursuits. Kathryn To the memory of Gary Woodruff, the editor who first encouraged me to write.
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In Billy Buddy on the other hand medicine park lodging buy rulide 150 mg without a prescription, a more cross-grained local layering of enunciation means that a continuing struggle over the right to symptoms you need a root canal order rulide 150 mg amex delineate shipboard space as public or private is a visible subject of the narrative medicine hat alberta canada generic rulide 150mg with mastercard. As it turns out, indeed, the barest setting of the stage (in this rhetorical sense) can be shown already to constitute both the plot of the drama and its range of meaning, so delicate is the calibration of social meaning organized around the incoherent register public/ private. M a c K i n n o n, "Feminism, Marxism, Method, and the State: Toward Feminist Jurisprudence," Signs 8, no. Some Binarisms (I) iii the grapplings of attention and knowledge, struggles of making as if anew the mise-en-scene, that have to be negotiated before the first word of any shipboard converse may be uttered! T h e spot where Claggart stood was the place allotted to men of lesser g r a d e s seeking some m o r e particular interview either with the officer of the deck or the captain himself. But from the latter it was not often that a sailor or petty officer of those days would seek a hearing; only some exceptional cause would, according to established custom, have warranted that. N o s o o n e r did the c o m m a n d e r observe who it was that now deferentially stood awaiting his notice than a peculiar expression came over him. It was not unlike that which uncontrollably will flit across the countenance of one at unawares encountering a person who, though known to him indeed, has hardly been long enough known for thorough knowledge, but something in whose aspect nevertheless now for the first provokes a vaguely repellent distaste. But coming to a stand and resuming much of his wonted official manner, save that a sort of impatience lurked in the intonation of the opening w o r d, he said "Well? And meanwhile the very fact that even in this tightly organized and hierarchical little polis a private space is at this moment what official work needs to occupy, while a public space is seen as suited to the individual, suggests the irremediably contradictory definitional field in which these struggles for meaning must take place. When Vere determines, therefore, that the measure required for the continuance of this encounter "involve[s] a shifting of the scene, a transfer to a place less exposed to observation" (1402), he is responding to a range of difficult imperatives by manipulating a range of sensitive binarisms. In addition to the discomfort of having to maintain by exertion of willpower an impermeable interlocutory space within a physical space that is actually awash with people, he is also responding to the double bind constituted by the status of mutiny in his navy as an open secret: At first, indeed, he was naturally for summoning that substantiation of his allegations which C l a g g a r t said was at hand. But such a proceeding would result in the m a t t e r at o n c e getting a b r o a d, which in the present stage of it, he thought, might undesirably affect the ships company. And therefore, before trying the accusation, he would first practically test the accuser; and he thought this could be done in a quiet undemonstrative way (1 4 0 2) Along with stage-managing the physical space of the encounter over the charged threshold from open-air to closed-door ("Go find [Budd]. And not till you get well aft here, not till then let him know that the place where he is wanted is my cabin. Some Binarisms (I) 113 At whatever point in the story Vere may tacitly have decided on the fate he has in mind for Billy Budd, it is within an instant after the death of Claggart under these stressed and equivocal circumstances that he first utters aloud his declaration of purpose: "the angel must hang! In accomplishing that project Vere can scarcely depend on the narrow channel of strict official procedure, since according to that, as the surgeon reflects, " the thing to d o. For Vere, however (as indeed, it turns out, for his superiors), "martial duty" (1 4 0 9), which refers to the overarching conjunction of his mutiny panic 1 6 with his visual desire, represents a higher law than the merely tactical facilities of official usage; and what "martial duty" dictates is a rhetorical tour de force by which the line between the official and the unofficial can be danced across back and forth, back and forth in a breathtakingly sustained choreography of the liminal, giving the authority of stern collective judgment and the common weal to what are, after all, the startlingly specific sensory hungers of a single man. His desire in choosing them is to find men "altogether reliable in a moral dilemma involving aught of the tragic" (1409) -that is to say, men who can be persuaded from the beginning, as a matter of definition, that this is a story that is tragic: one that must inevitably end with death, and with a death of a certain exemplary altitude and gravity. In constructing that death as -against all the odds -inevitable, Captain Vere has to do not only the police but the judge, witness, defense, and D. Always, however, from the same significant place in the room: Billy B u d d was a r r a i g n e d, C a p t a i n Vere necessarily a p p e a r i n g as the sole witness in the c a s e, and as such t e m p o r a r i l y sinking his r a n k, though singularly maintaining it in a m a t t e r apparently trivial, namely, t h a t he testified f r o m the ships weather side, with t h a t object having caused the c o u r t t o sit on the lee side. As witness, as "coadjutor" (1414), as commanding officer, as best friend to the defendant, as chief prosecutor, as final judge, as consoler and explainer and visitant, and a: the last as chief executioner and chief mourner, Vere contrives by his ceaseless crossing of these lines of oppositionality and of rank not to obscure such demarcations but to heighten them and, by doing so, to heighten the prestige of his own mastery in overruling them. Sincerity/Sentimentality Ann Douglas ends her jeremiad against "the fem: ation of American culture" with a climactic celebration of Billy Budd, choosing this particular text because Billy Budd represents in her argument the precise opposite of the category of the sentimental. Vere suffers in private for the fact that he has pulled off a totally public gesture. Some Binarisms (I) 115 he and die story become, in Douglass argument, the perfect antithesis t 0 a century-long process of sentimental degradation of American culture, a process in the course of which public and private have become fatally confused. It might be called the privacy effect: the illusion that a reader of Billy Budd has witnessed a struggle between private and public realms that are distinguished from one another with quite unusual starkness. Vere is the character who seems most identified with and responsible for the austerity of this definitional segregation, and as readers we habitually celebrate or deprecate Vere according to whether or not wre approve of so scrupulous a segregation, or of so absolute a denegation of the private in favor of the public realm so demarcated. I hope I have already said enough about the incoherence of the public/ private duality aboard the Bellipotent, and about the sinuosity of Captain Veres relation to it, to suggest that the creation by this text and this character of this intense a privacy effect is a stunning fictional achievement. For the most part, we receive this information in the same way the officers and crew receive it, which is why our conviction that we know "Јre suffers in private" is the thing that identifies many readers most haplessly with those disempowered men. We know, furthermore, that Vere suffers in secret and in silence, by the operatic volubility and visibility with which he performs the starring role of Captain agonistes. Rather than seek out a private space for what may be his private suffering (as if there were private space aboard the Bellipotent- as if there were private space anywhere), Vere instead sets out to reorganize his immediate populous community through a piece of theatre by which he himself may come to embody, in his speech and in his very physique, the site of definitional struggle between public and private. When the countenance or body of "Starry" Vere becomes visible in Billy Budd as a physical site of conflict, that event is the more spectacular in that Vere has habitually been so disembodied a presence. His brow was o f the sort phrenologically associated with more than average intellect; silken jet curls partly clustering over it, making a foil to the pallor below, a pallor tinged with a faint shade of amber akin to the hue of time-tinted marbles of old. Even then, what he becomes visible as is the dramatized site of internal division. After he and Billy have examined the inert form of the dead Claggart, for instance ("It was like handling a dead snake"): Regaining erectness, Captain Vere with one hand covering his face stood to all appearance as impassive as the object at his feet. T h e father in him, manifested toward Billy thus far in the scene, was replaced by the military disciplinarian. The officers exchanged looks of troubled indecision, yet feeling that decide they must and without long delay. So it is too, all the more obviously, at the gallows moment when Billys "consummation impended": 118 Some Binarisms (1) C a p t a i n Vere, either t h r o u g h stoic self-control o r a s o r t o f m o m e n t a r y p a r a l y s i s induced by e m o t i o n a l s h o c k, s t o o d erectly rigid as a musket in the ship-armorers rack. Such a charge would imply that somewhere behind the scenes of the public performance of private agony there subsisted a quite different, authentic space of privacy, whose inner drama could be a very different one. Yet if it could, not even that would suffice to constitute as private the room in which, after all, only hours before had been convened a court empowered to pass sentence of death. A "privacy" populated by bodyservants is, as Benito Cereno might remind us, a space all the more exquisitely innervated with the signifiers and for that matter the sigaifieds of "public" power relations. A similar case can be made, too, from the other direction: why assume that a genital sexuality would be, in Vere, the mark of the private rather than of the public? The opposite assumption might be more plausible: if Vere gets off at all, it seems to be on display, whether of himself or another. The text is insistent, too, as we shall see, in locating its masculine genital intensities not in the solitary or coupled enjoyment or dissipation of erections but in the less messy economics of their visible circulation. It may seem that this continued excursus on public and private male desire has taken us out of rhe way of our present subject, the sentimental. Ashore in a criminal case, will an upright judge allow himself off the bench to be waylaid by some tender kinswoman of the accused seeking to touch him with her tearful plea? Well, the heart here, sometimes the feminine in man, is as that piteous woman, and hard though it be, she must here be ruled out. But something in your aspect seems to Some Binarisms (I) 119 Veres performances before assemblies of officers or sailors are not, however, the only form given in Billy Budd to the sacrificial drama of a public privacy; the alibi of merely identifying with a corps de ballet of witnesses clustered on stage is liable to be withdrawn from readers, leaving us in a more exposed relation to our own avidities.
If one could demarcate the extent of the subsumption precisely medications zovirax generic rulide 150mg free shipping, it would be less destructive medicine keflex purchase rulide 150 mg line, but "subsumption" is not a structure that makes precision easy symptoms 3 days after conception rulide 150 mg with mastercard. The problem is obvious even at the level of nomenclature and affects, of course, that of this book 110 less than any other; I have discussed above the particular choices of usage made here. But, again, the extent, construction, and meaning, and especially the history of any such theoretical continuity -not to mention its consequences for practical politics -must be open to every interrogation. That gay theory, falling under this definition and centering insistently on lesbian experience, can still include strongly feminist thought would be demonstrated by works as different as those of Gayle Rubin, Audre Lo. If there is one compulsory setpiece for the Introduction to any gayoriented book written in the late 1980s, it must be the meditation on and attempted adjudication of constructivist versus essentialist views of homosexuality. The present study is hardly the first to demur vigorously from such a task, although I can only wish that its demurral might be vigorous enough to make it one of the last to need to do so. The first, as I have mentioned and will discuss further in later chapters, is that any such adjudication is impossible to the degree that a conceptual deadlock between the two opposing views has by now been built into the very structure of every theoretical tool we have for undertaking it. The second one is already implicit in a terminological choice I have been making: to refer to "minoritizing" verstr "universalizing" rather than to essentialist versus constructivist undt. I prefer the former terminology because it seems to record and respond to the question, "In whose lives is homo /heterosexual definition an issue of continuing centrality and difficulty? I think it may isolate the areas where the questions of ontogeny and phylogeny most consequentially overlap. I also think, as I suggested in Axiom 1, that it is more respectful of the varied proprioception of many authoritative individuals. But I am additionally eager to promote the obsolescence of "essentialist/constructivist" because I am very. And beyond that: even where we may think we know the conceptual landscape of their history well enough to do the delicate, always dangerous work of prying them loose from their historical backing to attach to them newly enabling meanings, I fear that the special volatility of postmodern bodily and technological relations may make such an attempt peculiarly liable to tragic misfire. Thus, it would seem to me that gay-affirmative work does well when it aims to minimize its reliance on any particular account of the origin of sexual preference and identity in individuals. In particular, my fear is that there currently exists no framework in which to ask about the origins or development of individual gay identity that is not already structured by an implicit, trans-iudividual Western project or fantasy of eradicating that identity. It seems ominously symptomatic that, under the dire homophobic pressures of the last few years, and in the name of Christianity, the subtle constructivist argument that sexual aim is, at least for many people, not a hard-wired biological given but, rather, a social fact deeply embedded in the cultural and linguistic forms of many, many decades is being degraded to the blithe ukase that people are "free at any moment to". This has certainly been the grounding of, for instance, the feminist formulation of the sex/gender system described above, whose implication is that the more fully gender inequality can be shown to inhere in human culture rather than in biological nature, the more amenable it must be to alteration and reform. I have often wondered what the basis was for our optimism about the malleability of culture by any one group or program. At any rate, never so far as I know has there been a sufficiently powerful place from which to argue than such manipulations, however triumphal the 2,2, Introduction: Axiomatic ethical imperative behind them, were not a right that belonged to anyone who might have the power to perform them. The number of persons or institutions by whom the existence of gay people -never mind the existence of more gay people-is treated as a precious desideratum, a needed condition of life, is small, even compared to those who may wish for the dignified treatment of any gay people who happen already to exist. Advice on how to make sure your kids turn out gay, not to mention your students, your parishioners, your therapy clients, or your military subordinates, is less ubiquitous than you might think. By contrast, the scope of institutions whose programmatic undertaking is to prevent the development of gay people is unimaginably large. No major institutionalized discourse offers a firm resistance to that undertaking; in the United States, at any rate, most sites of the state, the military, education, law, penal institutions, the church, medicine, mass culture, and the mental health industries enforce it all but unquestioningly, and with little hesitation even at recourse to invasive violence. So for gay and gay-loving people, even though the space of cultural malleability is the only conceivable theatre for our effective politics, every step of this constructivist nature/culture argument holds danger: it is so difficult to intervene in the seemingly natural trajectory that begins by identifying a place of cultural malleability; continues by inventing an ethical or therapeutic mandate for cultural manipulation; and ends in the overarching, hygienic Western fantasy of a world without any more homosexuals in it. Furthermore, it reaches deeply and, in a sense, protectively into a fraught space of life-or-death struggle that has been more or less abandoned by constructivist gay theory: that is, the experience and identity of gay or proto-gay children. The ability of anyone in the culture to support and honor gay kids may depend on an ability to name them as such, notwithstanding that many gay adults may never have been gay kids and some gay kids may not turn into gay adults. It seems plausible that a lot of the emotional energy behind essentialist historical work has to do npt even in the first place with reclaiming the place and eros of Homeric heroes, Renaissance painters, and medieval gay monks, so much as with the far 2,2, Introduction: Axiomatic jess permissible, vastly more necessary project of recognizing and validating the creativity and heroism of the effeminate boy or tommish girl of the fifties (or sixties or seventies or eighties) whose sense of constituting precisely a gap in the discursive fabric of the given has not been done justice, so far, by constructivist work. At the same time, however, just as it comes to seem questionable to assume that cultural constructs are peculiarly malleable ones, it is also becoming increasingly problematical to assume that grounding an identity in biology or "essential nature" is a stable way of insulating it from societal interference. If anything, the gestalt of assumptions that undergird nature/nurture debates may be in the process of direct reversal. Increasingly it is the conjecture that a particular trait is genetically or biologically based, not that it is "only cultural," that seems to trigger an estrus of manipulative fantasy in the technological institutions of the culture. A relative depressiveness about the efficacy of social engineering techniques, a high mania about biological control: the Cartesian bipolar psychosis that always underlay the nature/nurture debar s has switched its polar assignments without surrendering a bit of its hold over the collective life. And in this unstable context, the dependence on a specified homosexual body to offer resistance to any gay-eradicating momentum is tremblingly vulnerable. What whets these fantasies more dangerously, because more blandly, is the presentation, often in ostensibly or authentically gay-affirmative contexts, of biologically based "explanations" for deviant behavior that are absolutely invariably couched in terms of "excess," "deficiency," or "imbalance"- whether in the hormones, in the genetic material, or, as is currently fashionable, in the fetal endocrine environment. If I had ever, in any medium, seen any researcher or popularizer refer even once to any supposed gay-producing circumstance as the proper hormone balance, or the conducive endocrine environment, for gay generation, I would be less chilled by the breezes of all this technological confidence. In this unstable balance of assumptions between nature and culture, at any rate, under the overarching, relatively unchallenged aegis of a cultures desire that gay people not be, there is no unthreatened, unthreatening conceptual home for a concept of gay origins. We have all 2,2, Introduction: Axiomatic the more reason, then, to keep our understanding of gay origin, of gay cultural and material reproduction, plural, multi-capillaried, argus-eyed, respectful, and endlessly cherished. Axiom 5: the historical search for a Great Paradigm Shift may obscure the present conditions of sexual identity. Since 1976, when Michel Foucault, in an act of polemical bravado, offered 1870 as the date of birth of modern homosexuality,40 the most sophisticated historically oriented work in gay studies has been offering ever more precise datings, ever more nuanced narratives of the development of homosexuality "as we know it today. To the contrary, the recent historicizing work has assumed (1) that the differences between the homosexuality "we know today" and previous arrangements of same-sex relations may be so profound and so integrallyrooted in other cultural differences that there may be no continuous, defining essence of "homosexuality" to be known; and (2) that modern "sexuality" and hence modern homosexuality are so intimately entangled with the historically distinctive contexts and structures that now count as knowledge that such "knowledge" can scarcely be a transparent window onto a separate realm of sexuality but, rather, itself constitutes that sexuality. These developments have promised to be exciting and productive in the way that the most important work of history or, for that matter, of anthropology may be: in radically defamiliarizing and denaturalizing, not only the past and the distant, but the present. One way, however, in which such an analysis is still incomplete-in which, indeed, it seems 40. Gay/Lesbian Almanac: Kalperin, One Hundred Years of Homosexuality; Jeffrey Weeks, Sext Politics, and Society: the Regulation of Sexuality since 1800 (L o n d o n; Longman, 1 9 8 1); and George Ciiauncey, Jr. But an unfortunate side effect of this move has been implicitly to underwrite the notion that "homosexuality as we conceive of it today" itself comprises a coherent definitional field rather than a space of overlapping, contradictory, and conflictual definitional forces. To the degree that power relations involving modern homo/heterosexual definition have been structured by the very tacitness of the double-binding force fields of conflicting definition -to the degree that, as Chapter 4 puts it more fully, the presumptuous, worldly implication. As an example of this contradiction effect, let me juxtapose two programmatic statements of what seem to be intended as parallel and congruent projects. In the foundational Foucault passage to which I alluded above, the modern category of "homosexuality" that dates from 1 8 7 0 is said to be characterized. Homosexuality appeared as one of the forms of sexuaiity when it was transposed from the practice of sodomy onto a kind of interior androgyny, a herniaphrodism of the soul. This understanding appears, indeed, according to Foucauk, to underlie and constitute the common sense of the homosexuality "we know today.
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More generally medications that cause weight gain generic rulide 150mg on line, the centrality in this books argument of a wrhole range of valuations and political perspectives that are unmistakably post-Stonewall will be treatment for bronchitis discount rulide online, i hope medications in carry on buy rulide 150mg low price, perfectly obvious. It is only in that context that the hypothesis of a 2,2, Introduction: Axiomatic certain alternative, overarching periodization of definitional issues can be appropriately entertained. The relation of this book to its predecessor is defined most simply by the later time span that it treats. This has also involved, however, a different negotiation between feminist and antihomophobic motives in the two studies. Between Men ends with a coda pointing toward "the gaping and unbridgeable rift in the male homosocial spectrum" at the end of the nineteenth century, after which "a discussion of male homosocial desire as a whole really gives way to a discussion of male homosexuality and homophobia as we know them. Between Men focused on the oppressive effects on women and men of a cultural system in which male-male desire became widely intelligible primarily by being routed through triangular relations involving a woman. The inflictions of this system, far from disappearing since the turn of the century, have only become adapted and subtilized. But certainly the pressingly immediate fusion of feminist with gay male preoccupations and interrogations that Between Men sought to perform has seemed less available, analytically, for a twentieth-century culture in which at least some versions of a same-sex desire unmediated through heterosexual performance have become widely articulated. Epistemology of the Closet is a feminist book mainly in the sense that its analyses were produced by someone whose thought has been macroand microscopically infused with feminism over a long period. I have made this choice largely because I see feminist analysis as being considerably more developed than gay male or antihomophobic analysis at present -theoretically, politically, and institutionally. There are more people doing feminist analysis, it has been being done longer, it is less precarious and dangerous (still precarious and dangerous enough), and there is by now a much more broadly usable set of tools available for its furtherance. The viability, by now solidly established, of a persuasive feminist project of interpreting gender arrangements, oppressions, and resistances in Euro-American modernism and modernity from the turn of the century has been a condition of the possibility of this book but has also been tak- a as a permission or imperative to pursue a very different path in i. And, indeed, when another kind of intersection has loomed- the choice between risking a premature and therefore foreclosing reintegration between feminist and gay (male) terms of analysis, on the one hand, and on the other hand keeping their relation open a little longer by deferring yet again the moment of their accountability to one another-I have followed the latter path. This is bound to seem retardataire to some readers, but I hope they are willing to see it as a genuine deferral, in the interests of making space for a gay male-oriented analysis that would have its own claims to make for an illuminating centrality, rather than as a refusal. Ultimately, I do feel, a great deal depends -for all women, for lesbians, for gay men, and possibly for all men-on the fostering of our ability to arrive at understandings of sexuality that will respect a certain irreducibility in it to the terms and relations of gender. There is, I believe, no satisfactory rule for choosing between the usages "homosexual" and "gay," outside of a postStonewall context where "gay" must be preferable since it is the explicit choice of a large number of the people to whom it refers. Until recently it seemed that "homosexual," though it severely risked anachronism in any application before the late nineteenth century, was still somehow less temporally circumscribed than "gay," perhaps because it sounded more official, not to say diagnostic. That aura of timelessness about the word 2,2, Introduction: Axiomatic has, however, faded rapidly -less because of die words manifest inadequacy to the cognitive and behavioral maps of the centuries bejore its coining, than because the sources of its authority for the century after have seemed increasingly tendentious and dated. Thus "homosexual" and "gay" seem more and more to be terms applicable to distinct, nonoverlapping periods in the history of a phenomenon for which there then remains no overarching label. Accordingly I have tried to use each of the terms appropriately in contexts where historical differentiation between the earlier and later parts of the century seemed important. But to designate "the" phenomenon (problematical notion) as it stretches across a larger reach of history, 1 have used one or the other interchangeably, most often in contrast to the immediately relevant historical usage. T h e main additional constraint on the usage of these terms in this book is a preference against employing the noun "gayness," or "gay" itself as a noun. I think what underlies this preference is a sense that the association of same-sex desire with the traditional, exciting meanings of the adjective "gay" is still a powerfully assertive act, perhaps not one to be lightly routinized by grammatical adaptations. Gender has increasingly become a problem for this area of terminology, and one to which I have, again, no consistent solution. As Н suggest in Axiom 3, this terminological complication is closely responsive to real ambiguities and struggles of gay/lesbian politics and identities. When 1 mean to suggest a more fully, equitably two-sexed phenomenon 1 refer to "gay men and women," or "lesbians and gay men"; when a more exclusive one, to "gay men. T h e fact that -if the book is right -the most significant stakes for the culture are involved in precisely the volatile, fractured, dangerous relations of visibility and articulation around homosexual possibility makes the prospect of its being misread especially fraught; to the predictable egoistic fear of its having no impact or a risible one there is added the dread of its operating destructively. There is reason to believe that gay-bashing is the most common and most rapidly increasing among what are becoming legally known as bias-related or hate-related crimes in the United States. There is no question that the threat of this violent, degrading, and often fatal extrajudicial sanction works even more powerfully than, and in intimately enforcing concert with, more respectably institutionalized sanctions against gay choice, expression, and being. The endemic intimacy of the link between extrajudicial and judicial punishment of homosexuality is clear, for instance, from the argument of legislators who, in state after state, have fought to exclude antigay violence from coverage under bills that would specifically criminalize bias-related crime -on the grounds that to specify a condemnation of individual violence against persons perceived as gay would vitiate the states condemnation of homosexuality. These arguments have so far been successful in most of the states where the question has arisen; in fact, in some states (such as New York) where coverage of antigay violence was not dropped from hate-crimes bills, apparently solid racial/ethnic coalitions have fractured so badly over the issue that otherwise overwhelmingly popular bills have been repeatedly defeated. In this highly charged context, the treatment of gay; bashers who do wind up in court is also very likely to involve a plunge into a thicket of difficult and contested definitions. One of the thorniest of these has to do with "homosexual panic," a defense strategy that is commonly used to prevent conviction or to lighten sentencing of gay-bashers -a term, as well, that names a key analytic tool in the present study. Judicially, a "homosexual panic" defense for a person (typically a man) accused of antigay violence implies that his responsibility for the crime was diminished by a pathological psychological condition, perhaps brought on by an unwanted sexual advance from the man whom he then attacked. The widespread acceptance of this defense really seems to show, to the contrary, that hatred of homosexuals is even more public, more typical, hence harder to find any leverage against than hatred of other disadvantaged groups. For a more thorough discussion of the homosexual panic defense, sec "Burdens on Gay Litigants and Bias in che Court System: Homosexual Panic, Child Custody, and Anonymous Parties," Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Revieiv 19 (1 9 S 4); 4 9 8 - 5 1 5. Its special plausibility, however, seems also to depend on a difference between antigay crime and other bias-related antiminority crime: the difference of how much less clear, perhaps finally how impossible, is the boundary circumscription of a minoritizing gay identity. After all, the reason why this defense borrows the name of the (formerly rather obscure and littlediagnosed) psychiatric classification "homosexualpanic" is that it refers to the supposed uncertainty about his own sexual identity of the perpetrator of the antigay violence. In effect, the homosexual panic defense performs a double act of minoritizing taxonomy: there is, it asserts, one distinct minority of gay people, and a second minority, equally distinguishable from the population at large, of "latent homosexuals" whose "insecurity about their own masculinity" is so anomai >us as to permit a plea based on diminution of normal moral responsibility. When in my work on Between Men, knowing nothing about this judicial use of "homosexual panic" (at that time a less common and publicized defense), I needed a name for "a structural residue of terrorist potential, of blackmailability, of Western maleness through the leverage of homophobia," 1 found myself attracted to just the same phrase, borrowed from the same relatively rare psychiatric diagnosis. Through a linguistic theft whose violence I trusted would be legible in every usage of the phrase, I tried to turn what had been a taxonomic, minoritizing medical 2. The reason I found the phrase attractive for my purposes was quite the opposite: I thought it could dramatize, render visible, even render scandalous the same space of overlap. The set of perceptions condensed in that usage of "male homosexual panic" proved, I think, a productive feature of Between Men for other critics, especially those doing gay theory, and I have continued my explorations of the same phrase, used in the same sense, in Epistemology of the Closet. Yet 1 feel, as well, with increasing dismay, in the increasingly homophobic atmosphere of public discourse since 1985, that work done to accentuate and clarify the explanatory power of this difficult nexus may not be able to be reliably insulated from uses that ought to be diametrically opposed to it. For instance, it would not require a willfully homophobic reader to understand these discussions of the centrality and power of male homosexual panic as actually contributing to the credibility of the pathologizing "homosexual panic" legal defense of gay-bashers. All it would require would be a failure or refusal to understand how necessarily the discussions are embedded within their context-the context, that is, of an analysis based on systemwide skepticism about the poskivist taxonomic neutrality of psychiatry, about the classificatory coherence. If, foreseeing the possibility of this particular misuse, I have, as I hope, been able to take the explanatory measures necessary to guard against it, still there may be too many others unforeseen. Of course, silence on these issues performs the enforcing work of the status quo more predictably and inexorably than any attempt at analysis. Anyone working in gay and lesbian studies, in a culture where samesex desire is still structured by its distinctive public/private status, at once marginal and central, as the open secret, discovers that the line between straining at truths that prove to be imbecilically self-evident, on the one hand, and on the other hand tossing off commonplaces that turn out to retain their power to galvanize and divide, is weirdly unpredictable. In dealing with an open-secret structure, its only by being shameless about risking the obvious that we happen i; · the vicinity of the transformative. In this Introduction I shall have methodically to sweep into one little heap some of the otherwise unarticulated assumptions and conclusions from a long-term project of antihomophobic analysis. Under the rule that most privileges the most obvious: Axiom 1: People are different from each other It is astonishing how few respectable conceptual tools we have for dealing with this self-evident fact.
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Websites should also include appropriate disclaimers that the information on the site is not a substitute for proper medical care symptoms influenza cheap rulide online. Consumers and professionals can visit several excellent websites to medications to treat bipolar discount rulide 150mg visa determine whether any medication has tinnitus as a reported side effect symptoms appendicitis best rulide 150mg. If tinnitus is listed, " then the next step is to confirm the start date of the drug (or date a drug dosage was increased) with the pharmacist. If the start date of the drug is established and the patient is sure of the start date of the tinnitus, it can be concluded whether the tinnitus is truly an adverse drug reaction. The medication dosage might be decreased or the medication discontinued or changed altogether. However, if the prescribed medication is the best one for a particular medical Although the ototoxicity of many drugs resolves after treatment discontinuation, the use of platinum derivatives and aminoglycosides is associated with permanent hearing loss. When a drug enters the bloodstream, it is considered systemic, and therefore both ears would experience tinnitus. If there is a preexisting hearing loss without tinnitus, the poorer ear may be more susceptible to tinnitus. However, if there is preexisting hearing loss with tinnitus, the tinnitus could get louder. Once a time line has been established of when the drug was dispensed (or increased) and tinnitus reported, the audiologist and pharmacist are in a unique position to work together, helping the patient understand and manage the tinnitus. Most tinnitus patients report that their drug-related tinnitus lasts for as long as they are taking the medication. Patients should consult their prescribing physician before cutting back or discontinuing any medication. Campbell: "The health benefits of the drug far outweigh the risk of tinnitus (or hearing loss). Salus University and has lectured and published on this and other topics related to ototoxicity and pharmaceuticals and nutraceuticals for hearing loss and tinnitus. For chemotherapy patients or patients with chronic medical conditions, the health benefits of the drug outweigh the risk of tinnitus. DiSogra, AuD, is a consulting audiologist in Millstone, New Jersey, and past contributor to Tinnitus Today (December 2014). He developed and taught the Pharmacology/Ototoxcity course at Audiometric Testing When tinnitus is a symptom of a drug side effect or other medical problem, an audiological evaluation should be scheduled to rule out hearing loss as a cause. An audiologist will evaluate hearing and help differentiate between certain types of losses - some of which could be medically or surgically correctable. If there is preexisting hearing loss, the medication could aggravate the condition and the tinnitus could emerge. This is why the information from the pharmacist is critical to determine whether the tinnitus is an adverse event or a sign that hearing loss is getting worse. Drug-induced ototoxicity: Mechanisms, pharmacogenetics, and protective strategies. This is a universal truth of medical treatment that researchers at the University of Virginia School of Medicine are working to overturn. Many medications achieve their effects by blocking specific molecules within cells. The problem is that they block all molecules, no matter what those molecules are doing. Sometimes the same molecule carries out different tasks, some of them very important to body function. Scientists have determined that specific molecules may perform different tasks depending on where in the cell they are located. When someone takes a medication, it does its work by blocking all molecules in a cell. This is regardless of where those molecules are located within the cell and what their functions are. Some molecules may be performing functions other than what a drug is intended to treat. These other functions in the cell are also affected, resulting in unintended side effects. The team at University of Virginia developed a technique to manipulate molecules in specific locations within cells what they call compartments. This will allow scientists to identify specific locations to target with medications. The goal is to develop medications that more precisely target intended compartments and achieve only the intended effects. As a result, side effects can be reduced because molecules in other compartments will not be affected. The research may also speed up the development of new drugs because specific targets will be identified. A new frontier in medicine may be coming where more targeted medications are developed that have fewer side effects. Ras and Rap signal bidirectional synaptic plasticity via distinct subcellular microdomains. As reported by Cronlein and colleagues,1 difficulty sleeping is a top complaint along with emotional stress and hearing loss for patients with bothersome tinnitus. Published reports of how frequently sleep disturbance occurs range from 25 to 77 percent of patients, which is consistent with my patients. Sleep disturbance and insomnia have been linked to increased risk of arterial hypertension, coronary heart disease, psychiatric disorders, as well as impaired productivity. But, in general, the panel recommended against most drugs, dietary supplements, and intratympanic injections to treat tinnitus. Some find melatonin beneficial, although studies have not confirmed that melatonin is better than a placebo, according to Elgoyhen and Langguth. A 2001 study by Drew and Davies4 of more than 1,000 tinnitus patients taking gingko biloba, for example, showed no benefit over the placebo. The bottom line is more research on ways to help tinnitus patients improve sleep and sleep hygiene is needed. If one thinks about bedtime and the environment conducive to sleep, one of the first things that comes to mind is quiet. And, for a tinnitus patient, reflecting on the quiet increases tinnitus awareness. The term "sleep hygiene" refers to things that might "clean up" sleep issues at bedtime or preparation for it. For instance, doing things that increase sleepiness and refraining from things that decrease it, such as watching the news or a horror movie prior to bed or drinking caffeinated products after 2:00 p. For some, exercise can increase wakefulness, so it should be avoided too close to bedtime. Things that can enhance falling asleep include meditation or drinking a warm nonalcoholic beverage. Remember that while alcohol tends to make one fall asleep, it is for shorter bursts of time, resulting in less restful sleep.
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The beginning student can possibly respond to symptoms 7 days post iui buy rulide 150mg overnight delivery the first question or two medical treatment purchase rulide 150mg with visa, if any treatment 4 ringworm quality 150mg rulide, and the advanced student can respond very well to all questions. The interview is to be approached on a conversational basis so that the process does not become too mechanical. If so, the use of the questionnaire can become boring and the needed information will not be elicited. Questions are changed from time to time to better fit a different cultural situation, a particular age group, or a certain professional situation. A detailed picture is used, also, in the case of a beginning student to distinguish a Beginner1 student from a Beginner2 student. The picture is used to elicit vocabulary only in the case of a complete beginner student. The Interview A team of two teachers is needed for each interview one person who will do the interviewing and one person (a "recorder") who listens 85 to the interview and makes notes. His or her focus is entirely on the interview and creating a comfortable relationship with the student. The interviewer is not to skip around in asking questions nor does the interviewer use all questions if the student is unable to respond. In the situation of a Beginner1 student, in order to distinguish a Beginner1 from a Beginner2, a picture is used. If it appears to the interviewer that the student is a beginner with no English skills, show the student the picture and ask "What do you see? Remember that the criterion separating the two beginner levels is some use of vocabulary, even a small amount. We want the Beginner1 class to be a completely non-English speaking group of students, no matter how small the class is, so that the class is as nearly homogeneous as possible. In Appendix H is a list of common remarks, with evaluative comments, that recorders make. Each team will be provided two forms per student for the interview the Questionnaire and an Evaluation Form. Following the interview and after dismissing the student, the team, using notes written on the questionnaire, will discuss the interview as thoroughly as possible, but also as quickly as possible, and complete the Evaluation Form; it is important to keep in mind that responses on the Evaluation Form must reflect the notes on the questionnaire. In assessment and evaluation of students, it is desirable to make decisions on the side of caution so that if students are placed incorrectly they are placed too low and, therefore, need to be moved 86 to a higher level class rather than being moved to a lower level class. On occasion an interviewer will over-evaluate a student and that student is placed in a class beyond his or her English competency. Problems Areas to Be Considered If problems can be anticipated ahead of time, many hurdles in a placement process can be overcome. Problems can exist just by the very nature of dealing with other cultures and by missing some of the necessities of the logistics of the process of assessment, evaluation, and placement. The following are the major areas that may be the cause of problems that arise after placement is completed. These areas must be considered seriously and steps taken to avoid them if possible. Problems during the placement process itself, Problems after the placement process is completed. Problems with the Placement Process Evaluation of programs in the past have shown the following potential problems during the data gathering process that can have an effect on placement results. The Interviewer the Students the Interview the most obvious problems are directly related to the interviewer who 1. Is not sufficiently astute in order to catch the "man-of-afew-words" student and to draw him or her out for more samples of speech. Otherwise, invalid information or inadequate information could be the result, and, of course, the student placed in the incorrect class. He or she may excel in one area of competency and be very weak in another; for example, he may be very weak in listening comprehension but responds very well once he understands. The student may have greater English competency than is exhibited because he or she is shy and inhibited. The student is nervous and makes mistakes which he or she otherwise would not make if relaxed. The student may be so nonchalant about the whole process that he fails to exhibit the English skills that he has. Several factors must be present in the interview in order for it to successfully gauge the proficiency of students. There must be adequate time planned to interview each student without taking too much time, adequate time to evaluate the data, and adequate time for placement decision making. If there are distractions from noise made by people talking in the interview area, from placing interview teams too close together, or from people walking through the site, assessment results could be invalid. Holding interviews in rooms where there is an echo effect can skew assessment results; both interviewer and interviewee must be able to hear each other well. If interviews are taking place out of doors and it rains, the lack of a contingency plan can result in the loss of valuable time. The presence of an interpreter during an interview: If someone is present to whom the student turns for help, that situation will invalidate assessment results and will make it impossible to do a valid interview. Using results of interviews for decision making: Results can be unclear and not useful due to assessment results and evaluation being inflated, due to the incompleteness of assessment, due to the student who is between levels, and due to trying to maintain equal class size. The following two situations modification to 88 initial placement and what to do with latecomers - have proven to be the case in most programs. Modifications to Initial Placement There are two reasons for modifying placement decisions the dissatisfied student and incorrect placement. The question arises is the result of placement fixed or does there need to be an adjustment? In spite of the best assessment, evaluation criteria, and carefully followed procedures, a few students will be incorrectly placed. The teacher should recognize very quickly if there are students in his or her class who need to be moved. Students will recognize quickly if they are not placed correctly and may become dissatisfied. In addition, sometimes students will complain about the class in which they are placed simply because they want to be in a class with a friend, because they realize their English skills justify a higher placement, or perhaps because they "think" they do not like the teacher. Problems regarding initial placement can be expected, and many more, if the Self Report means of placement is used, both in an upward direction and a lower direction. Dealing with Latecomers Students, who come in after placement is completed and classes are begun, should be put through the entire placement process by the English Evaluator. Guessing at placement without going through the entire assessment and evaluation process could result in students being placed incorrectly. Sometimes students are placed in a particular class because someone "knows" the student from the previous year; this practice, also, could result in incorrect placement because it does not allow for student growth during the previous year not to mention the possibility that a student was incorrectly placed during the preceding year. Teachers should be alert for students who need to move out of their class and into a higher (or lower) level. Planning for the Placement Process Many problems with the placement process result from a lack of careful plans and implementing these plans.
- Women who are pregnant
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- MIBG scintiscan
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- Preschooler test or procedure preparation (3 to 6 years)
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So Mary-who seems to symptoms 5dp5dt fet buy generic rulide 150mg line have had no foreknowledge that evidence would have to medications 44 175 buy 150 mg rulide with amex be provided -provides a sign treatment 100 blocked carotid artery purchase rulide 150mg on line. In most of the cases we know of, there was a commission of inquiry, comprised of leaders civic and ecclesiastic, who attested to the genuineness of the apparition -despite initial, almost exclusively male, skepticism. In one case the testimony of a delirious eight-year-old boy, taken two days before his death from plague, was soberly accepted. In On the Distinction Between True and False Visions, an expert on the subject, Jean Gerson, in around 1400, summarized the criteria for recognizing a credible witness of an apparition: One was the willingness to accept advice from the political and religious hierarchy. Thus anyone seeing a vision disturbing to those in power was ipso facto an unreliable witness, and saints and virgins could be made to say whatever the authorities wanted to hear. In some cases accounts may have been compared and coordinated before testimony was given. For example, multiple witnesses in a small town might tell of a tall, glowing woman dressed all in white carrying an infant son and surrounded by a radiance that lit up the street the previous night. Possible motives for inventing and accepting such stories are not hard to find: jobs for priests, notaries, carpenters and merchants, and other boosts to the regional economy in a time of depression; augmented social status of the witness and her family; prayers once again offered for relatives buried in graveyards later abandoned because of plague, drought, and war; rousing public spirit against enemies, especially Moors; improving civility and obedience to canon law; and confirming the faith of the pious. The fervor of pilgrims in such shrines was impressive; it was not uncommon for rock scrapings or dirt from the shrine to be mixed with water and drunk as medicine. Almost all the urgent requests by Mary were remarkable for their prosaicness-for example, in this 1483 apparition from Catalonia: I charge you by your soul to charge the souls of the men of the parishes of El Torn, Milleras, El Salent, and Sant Miquel de Campmaior to charge the souls of the priests to ask the people to pay up the tithes and all the duties of the church and restore other things that they hold covertly or openly which are not theirs to their rightful owners within thirty days, for it will be necessary, and observe well the holy Sunday. And second that they should cease and desist from blaspheming and they should pay the usual charitas mandated by their dead ancestors. Francisca la Brava testified in 1523 that she had gotten out of bed "without knowI ing if she was in control of her senses," although in later testimony she I claimed to be fully awake. In the Dialogue on Miracles written around 1223 by Caesarius of Heisterbach, clerical visions of the Virgin Mary often occurred during matins, which took place at the sleepy midnight hour. It is natural to suspect that many, perhaps all, of these apparitions were a species of dream, waking or sleeping, compounded by hoaxes (and by forgeries; there was a thriving business in contrived miracles: religious paintings and statues dug up by accident or divine command). The matter was addressed in the Siete Partidas, the codex of canon and civil law compiled under the direction of Alfonso the Wise, king of Castile, around 1248. In it we can read the following: Some men fraudulently discover or build altars in fields or in towns, saying that there are relics of certain saints in those places and pretending that they perform miracles, and, for this reason, people from many places are induced to go there as on a pilgrimage, in order to take something away from them; and there are others who influenced by dreams or empty phantoms which appear to them, erect altars and pretend to discover them in the above named localities. In listing the reason for erroneous beliefs, Alfonso lays out a continuum from sect, opinion, fantasy, and dream to hallucination. A kind of fantasy named antoianca is defined as follows: is something that stops before the eyes and then disappears, as one sees or hears it in a trance, and so is without substance. A 1517 papal bull distinguishes between apparitions that appear in dreams or divinely. Nevertheless, in most of medieval Europe, such apparitions were greeted warmly by the Roman Catholic clergy- especially because the Marian admonitions were so congenial to the priesthood. A pathetic few "signs" of evidence- a stone or a footprint and never anything unfakeable- sufficed. But beginning in the fifteenth century, around the time of the Protestant Reformation, the attitude of the Church changed. From which could follow the seduction of peoples, the inception of new sects, and many other impieties that subvert the Church and Catholics. In 1516 the Fifth Lateran Council reserved to "the Apostolic seat" the right to examine the authenticity of apparitions. For poor peasants whose visions had no political content, the punishments fell short of the ultimate severity. The Marian apparition seen by Francisca la Brava, a young mother, was described by Licenciado Mariana, the Lord Inquisitor, as "to the detriment of our holy Catholic faith and the diminution of its authority. But in deference to certain just reasons that move us to mitigate the rigor of the sentences we decree as a punishment to Francisca la Brava and an example to others not to attempt similar things that we condemn her to be put on an ass and given one hundred lashes in public through the accustomed streets of Belmonte naked from the waist up, and the same number in the town of El Quintanar in the same manner. And that from now on she not say or affirm in public or secretly by word or insinuation the things she said in her confessions or else she will be prosecuted as an impenitent and one who does not believe in or agree with what is in our holy Catholic faith. Despite the penalties, it is striking how often the witness stuck to her guns and - ignoring the encouragements offered her to confess that she was lying or dreaming or confused -insisted that she really and truly had seen the vision. In a time when nearly everyone was illiterate, before newspapers radio, and television, how could the religious and iconographic detail of these apparitions have been so similar? William Christian believes there is a ready answer in cathedral dramaturgy (especially Christmas plays), in itinerant preachers and pilgrims, and in church sermons. People sometimes came from a hundred miles or more so that, say, their sick child could be cured by a pebble that had been trodden on by the Mother of God. In a time haunted by drought, plague, and war, with no social or medical services available to the average person, with public literacy and the scientific method unheard of, skeptical thinking was rare. Why is a vision of so illustrious a personage as the Mother of God necessary so, in a tiny county populated by a few thousand souls, a shrine will be repaired or the populace will refrain from cursing? Why not important and prophetic messages whose significance could be recognized in later years as something that could have emanated only from God or the saints? Not a single saint criticized the practice of torturing and burning "witches" and heretics. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it is true, some of the apparitions have taken on greater import-at Fatima, Portugal, in 1917, where the Virgin was incensed that a secular government had replaced a government run by the Church, and at Garabandal, Spain, in 1961-1965, where the end of the world was threatened unless conservative political and religious doctrines were adopted forthwith. The beings reported are diminutive, most often about two-and-a-half to four feet high. The content of the communication is, despite its purported celestial origin, mundane. The witnesses, often females, are troubled about speaking out, especially after encountering ridicule from males in positions of authority. Means of conveying the stories exist; they are eagerly discussed, permitting details to be coordinated even among witnesses who have never met one another. Indeed, Mary seems unsympathetic to the need for evidence, and occasionally is willing to cure only those who had believed the account of her apparition before she supplied "signs. In our time, there are still apparitions of Mary and other angels, but also -as summarized by G. In I Am With You Always: True Stones of Encounters with Jesus (Bantam, 1995), first-hand accounts, some moving, some banal, of such encounters are laid out. Oddly, most of them are straightforward dreams, acknowledged as such, and the ones called visions are said to differ from dreams "only because we experience them while we are awake. For Sparrow, any being you dream of, and any incident, really exists in the world outside your head. If you dreamt it, if it felt good, if it elicited wonder, why then it really happened. When Jesus tells a conflicted woman in an intolerable" marriage to throw the bum out, Sparrow admits that this poses problems for "advocates of a scripturally consistent position.
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Inside the market treatment urinary tract infection purchase 150 mg rulide with visa, customers use an interactive computer kiosk to treatment 2 prostate cancer buy rulide 150 mg place orders medicine joint pain buy rulide 150mg overnight delivery, seek nutritional information and recipes, and sign up for a customer loyalty rewards program. To keep up with-and stimulate-demand, the Bishops have expanded their store three times. Now open year-round, the space encompasses 5,600 square feet and contains an in-house bakery. Jonathan attends tree fruit meetings each year to learn about new research and practical applications that will allow him to limit the frequent and potent regimen of fungicides and pesticides usually needed to combat orchard pests. Apple maggot flies are attracted to the spheres, which look As new orchards are planted, Jonathan will switch his orchard ground cover to a perennial rye grass and fescue mixture, which requires less mowing, limits erosion and suppresses growth of other weed species, allowing him to forego pre-emergent type herbicides. As he transitions more of his acreage to highvalue berry crops, Jonathan uses a rotational cropping strategy to limit his fumigant use. Choosing suitable land, he plants tomatoes or another annual row crop, followed by sorghum sudangrass, which he harrows after it winter-kills. Jonathan also plants berry crops between newly planted stands of peaches, noting that the berries seem to benefit when planted into previously undisturbed ground. Jonathan undertook a 10-acre pilot study using Ladd traps-which operate using principles similar to the red spheres, but are spaced 100 feet apart-to monitor apple maggot in his orchards. The results were so promising that he invested in more than 1,800 of the red sphere traps and has since reduced pesticide use by up to 80 percent. Jonathan says the effectiveness of the traps depends on which varieties of apples are planted together in a block, since some varieties are more attractive to pests than others. The operation is unable to realize cost savings proportional to its decreased pesticide use because the materials and labor involved in using red sphere traps are not cheap. Using a combination of sprays and pesticidebaited sticky traps is the most effective and economical approach, Jonathan says. The Bishops invested in a 10,000-bushel controlled atmosphere apple storage building in the late 1980s, which maintains the correct oxygen, temperature and humidity levels needed to preserve apple quality and freshness. Within the store, Keith pioneered the computer kiosk that saves time and money by rapidly processing customer orders and generating data for market analysis. To further enhance their competitiveness with other supermarkets, the Bishops stock apples, produce and other products from other New England farms. Having a farm so near to a large population base offers various advantages: customers are close, and high land values provided collateral when they financed store expansions. However, they invested the highway right-of-way money on nearby land, and the highway itself brought additional customers. Farming so close to the general population creates a unique set of headaches requiring the business to stay on its toes, Jonathan says. For example, "people in the non-agricultural sector tend to have negative perceptions regarding migrant laborers and pesticide use," that the Bishops must address in their public relations efforts, he says. For example, the red sphere traps hanging from their trees 58 the New American Farmer, 2nd edition have prompted many questions from customers, creating entrйes for the Bishops to explain their efforts to limit pesticide use. The family takes the concept of being responsible and active members within their community seriously, enjoying the benefits that having good relationships creates for their business. Transition Advice When conducting on-farm research projects, Jonathan recommends enlisting the support and direct assistance of researchers. Levels of pest pressure will remain particular to a specific farm, thus will guide how effective sticky traps will be, Jonathan says, recommending that growers begin by setting up a small trial and observe what happens with a few varieties. The information gap left by a smaller Extension service has been filled, in part, by the growth of information available on the Internet, these days an "incredible" resource, Jonathan says, for finding out about the latest research and on-farm applications for tree fruit growers. Attending conferences and talking with other growers in person or on the phone is also useful, he says. With marketing efforts, be inventive, and remember there are many ways to adapt a situation to create a successful niche, Jonathan advises. He tells the story of a New Hampshire friend who went from trying to sell fresh apples to replanting his orchard in new varieties and producing English hard cider. Jonathan says he will keep up on the latest developments that involve using the trapping spheres. Jonathan also hopes to do more on-farm research in collaboration with research scientists to investigate management strategies for other problems in his orchards, such as plum curculio. The Bishop family has a strong tradition of estate planning, which helps them transfer management of their business from one generation to the next smoothly. Former gardeners, Jim and Moie Crawford sought to grow vegetables both profitably and in an environmentally sensitive manner. Near where he grew up, a farmer grew produce and sold it in the neighborhood, "so I developed a desire to do this from my childhood. Rather than accept wholesale prices, the Crawfords help found the Tuscarora Organic Cooperative in 1988. The co-op establishes an efficient marketing system that helps ensure premium prices the farmers need for economic success. Background Today, the Crawfords use an intensive management system incorporating crop rotation, cover crops and organic soil inputs to operate their 25 acres of organically grown vegetables near Hustontown, Pa. To keep pace with the fresh produce market, they grow more than 40 crops of vegetables, with 180 to 200 plantings each year. Focal Point of Operation - Intensive vegetable production Intensive management practices allow the Crawfords to raise more than 40 vegetable crops on 25 acres, two cold frames and a greenhouse. Because their business revolves around the fresh produce market, the Crawfords strive to extend the season as long as possible in their cool Pennsylvania climate. They begin harvesting vegetables by the end of April and are able to sell storage crops such as winter squash, turnips and potatoes into the winter. They start early spring and late fall crops under "high tunnels" - plastic-covered hoop structures measuring 20 by 100 feet. The greenhouse is used mainly to start plants for field planting, but salad greens also are grown there to harvest in late winter. They control insects and weeds primarily through their well-managed rotations supplemented by hand labor and mechanical cultivation. They also use beneficial insects to control pest populations and have applied some biological pesticides, such as Rotenone. They hire six apprentices from early spring to late fall who live in a nearby "tenant house," which the Crawfords purchased down the road, or with them on the farm. They employ an additional six to nine hourly employees, including high school students, during peak times in the summer months. They soon realized those approaches did not bring prices to justify the time spent managing sales. It also did not appeal much to buyers, such as chefs, to deal with an individual farmer when they were used to choosing from a huge line of offerings from distributors.
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Each session of a Congress constitutes a volume number in the Record treatment 1st degree heart block discount rulide 150 mg visa, with the number of books varying with the amount of discussion and speeches occurring in a session medications quetiapine fumarate order rulide online pills. The Record first appears in a daily edition medications and grapefruit interactions order rulide cheap online, whose pagination differs, because of additions and deletions, from the pagination in the bound volumes later appearing. Thus, a complete date, and preferably additional specific indication of the particular textual matter involved, is necessary in the citation of the daily edition. Citations to the daily edition will be changed to citations to the bound edition if the bound volumes become available before that particular preliminary print of the U. Where the legislative history of certain legislation is published separately (see §3. Reports of Government agencies fall into two categories: those regularly issued and those published on particular topics at particular times. Some agencies number their annual reports consecutively, and that number may be used in the citation as would a volume number. Reports prepared by private contractors for Government agencies take the following form: Federal Aviation Admin. The following sections set forth rules for citing documents filed in cases before the Supreme Court of the United States. Where such a document is simply being referred to in the text of an opinion, and is not actually being cited, the reference generally is not capitalized. However, if the author wishes to identify or otherwise explain material appearing in the cited document, a parenthetical may be used. The parenthetical form is particularly useful when citing numerous items in documents. Briefs on the merits in the case for which the opinion is being written are generally cited as follows: Brief for Petitioner(s) 5; Brief for Respondent(s) 5; Brief for Appellant(s) 5; Brief for Appellee(s) 5; Reply Brief 4; Supp. Where there is more than one party on the same side of the case and each files a separate brief, the citation should identify the party by name or other designation. Where two or more cases are being considered together and separate briefs are filed in each case, the citation should identify the party by docket number. Briefs on the merits for the United States are always cited: Brief for United States 16. Briefs in opposition to a petition for writ of certiorari are cited: Brief in Opposition 3. Amicus curiae briefs are cited: Brief for American Bar Association as Amicus Curiae 7; Brief for State of Alabama et al. When citing an appendix to a brief, whether it is in, or part of, the brief itself, or appears in a separate booklet, cite as follows: App. Briefs filed in Supreme Court cases other than the case for which the opinion is being written are cited as follows: Brief for Petitioner in Brady v. If more than one document is cited, the following form may be used: Brief for Appellants 17, n. Joint appendixes which are filed separately from the briefs on the merits in the case for which the opinion is being written are generally cited: App. If there is more than one volume to such an appendix, and the volumes are not consecutively paginated, the appendix should be cited 5 App. If separate joint appendixes are filed where two or more cases are being considered together, cite: App. If clarity requires further identification of a document reprinted in the appendix, cite: App. Joint appendixes are to be distinguished from appendixes that are part of briefs, see §3. For citation of an opinion in the case below that is unreported but reprinted in the joint appendix, see §1. The date of a particular proceeding should be appended to the transcript cite if necessary to distinguish among proceedings. If a multivolume record is not sequentially paginated throughout, the particular volume should also be cited: 7 Record 31. The petition for certiorari in the case for which the opinion is being written is generally cited: Pet. Where more than one docket number is involved, the citation should be identified by that number. When citing the appendix to a petition, whether it is in, or part of, the petition, or appears in a separate booklet, cite as follows: App. Petitions for certiorari in Supreme Court cases other than the case for which the opinion is being written are cited: Pet. The jurisdictional ·statement in the case for which the opinion is being written is generally cited: Juris. When citing the appendix to a jurisdictional statement, apply the same rule as applies to an appendix to a petition for certiorari. Jurisdictional statements in Supreme Court cases other than the case for which the opinion is being written are cited: Juris. Cook, Administrative Office of the United States Courts, to Supreme Court Library (Feb. Where appropriate, the name of the case should also be given, such as where the case is other than the case below, or where it is the case below but the title of the case in the lower court is different from the title in the Supreme Court, see §10. When two or more words have the force of a single modifier before a noun, they are often joined with a hyphen. A distinction should be made between phrases used adjectivally before a noun and those used adverbially or adjectivally after a noun. Do not use a hyphen in a two-word unit modifier the first element of which is a comparative or superlative. In some cases, phrases descriptive of laws, rules, doctrines, theories, principles, and the like do not take hyphens. The following illustrative list includes the preferred spelling of frequently occurring variables and a few troublesome compounds. Bernstein, the Careful Writer 340 (1965) (hereinafter Bernstein, Writer); Fowler, Modern English Usage 470. The following are illustrations of the reason for this rule: "Furthermore, §10 of the Reclamation Act, now 43 U. However, "amendment" standing alone is not capitalized, even when it refers to a particular statutory amendment. Nor is "government" capitalized when used generically to refer to government or in "state government," or when referring to a specific state government, except when used in the phrase "Federal and State Governments. Congress, congressional, legislature, legislative, Senate, House of Representatives, etc. Official names of state legislatures, such as "General Assembly" or "House of Delegates," are capitalized. The noun "Executive" is capitalized when used alone to refer to the President, but not when it refers to the chief executive of a State or a foreign government. Neither "executive," when used as an adjective, nor "branch," V2 standing alone, is capitalized.
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Marc had sat through the interview medicine 4 times a day rulide 150 mg for sale, listening intently from a wooden chair propped up against the wall treatment jiggers buy cheap rulide 150 mg online. As the car backed out symptoms 7 days after ovulation generic 150 mg rulide fast delivery, they were suddenly thrust into the worst nightmare that parents can imagine: their toddler was crushed beneath a wheel. Having experienced God at his point of greatest need, Marc would emerge from this crucible a changed person, abandoning his career in business to attend seminary. In the pulpit for the first time, Marc was able to draw on his own experiences with God in the depths of sorrow. People were captivated because his own loss had given him special insights, empathy, and credibility. In the end, dozens of them responded by saying they too wanted to know this Jesus, this God of tears. The God who the skeptic denies is the same God who held our hands in the deep, dark places, who strengthened our marriage, who deepened our faith, who increased our reliance on him, who gave us two more children, and who infused our lives with new purpose and meaning so that we can make a difference to others. This was just the beginning of a long journey of discovery, and I decided to withhold my final verdict until all the obstacles to faith were confronted and all the facts were in. W Stott, who acknowledged that suffering is "the single greatest challenge to the Christian faith," has reached his own conclusion: I could never myself believe in God, if it were not for the cross. I have entered many Buddhist temples in different Asian countries and stood respectfully before the statue of Buddha, his legs crossed, arms folded, eyes closed, the ghost of a smile playing round his mouth, a remote look on his face, detached from the agonies of the world. And in imagination I have turned instead to that lonely, twisted, tortured figure on the cross, nails through hands and feet, back lacerated, limbs wrenched, brow bleeding from thorn-pricks, mouth dry and intolerably thirsty, plunged in God-forsaken darkness. There is still a question mark against human suffering, but over it we boldly stamp another mark, the cross which symbolizes divine suffering. Based on his other observations, how do you think he might respond to your question? If you supernaturally intervened to eliminate evil, where would you draw the line-to prevent murder? At what point are people turned into puppets who lack free will and therefore cannot truly express love? Richard Dawkins, atheist 1 It is not just a provocative rumor that God has acted in history, but a fact worthy of our intellectual conviction. Rather, they are testimony to the compassion of God for human beings benighted by sin and circumstance. They concoct improbable stories in a futile effort to explain away incriminating evidence. They manufacture transparently false alibis; they cast blame on innocent people; they attempt to discredit police and prosecutors; they rewrite history; they deny and obfuscate and try to hoodwink the judge and jurors. Once a defendant tried a "Twinkie defense" by making the dubious assertion that his elevated sugar levels were somehow responsible for his criminal behavior, but not even the most audacious defendant would try a "miracle defense. One time I saw Penn and Teller, the comedian-magicians, select a ten-year-old boy named Isaiah from the audience and show him a long strip of polyester, which they proceeded to knot and cut in the middle. I knew from my conversation with agnostic Charles Templeton that he had shed his belief in miracles many years ago. In 1937, German physicist Max Planck said: "Faith in miracles must yield ground, step by step, before the steady and firm advance of the forces of science, and its total defeat is indubitably a mere matter of time. But can a person be scientifically sophisticated and still believe in the possibility of miracles? Can a person write off elves and fairies as being fanciful and yet at the same time embrace manna from heaven, the virgin birth, and the Resurrection as being credible events of history? If miracles are direct violations of natural laws, then how can a reasonable person believe they could ever occur? And I was aware that he has used his considerable intellectual skills to defend the idea that God has-and does-intervene in the world through miraculous acts. On the plane, I mused that primitive people probably would have considered jet travel to be a miracle. How else could fifty tons of metal be kept aloft in apparent defiance of the law of gravity? But has our knowledge of science and technology really rendered all belief in miracles obsolete? Or would Craig be able to provide convincing evidence that a person can be sober-minded and discerning while at the same time maintaining the validity of the miraculous? His beard, which for twenty-three years had given him a serious and scholarly demeanor, was gone. I settled into a comfortable chair while Craig sat behind the desk, leaning back in a leather-clad office chair that protested with a loud squeak. Craig has written extensively about miracles, especially the resurrection of Jesus. His books include Reasonable Faith, Knowing the Truth about the Resurrection, the Historical Argument for the Resurrection of Jesus, and Assessing the New Testament Evidence for the Historicity of the Resurrection of Jesus, and he contributed to In Defense of Miracles, Does God Exist? He holds doctorates in philosophy from the University of Birmingham, England, and in theology from the University of Munich, and is currently a Research Professor of Philosophy at the Talbot School of Theology. He is the member of nine professional societies, including the American Academy of Religion, Society of Biblical Literature, and the American Philosophical Association, and he has written for New Testament Studies, Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Journal of the American Scientific Affiliation, Gospel Perspectives, Philosophy, and other scholarly publications. Sans beard and wearing blue jeans, Craig looked a decade younger than his age, with piercing blue eyes, brown hair combed casually to the side, and a quick and enthusiastic laugh. He stroked his chin-subconsciously missing his beard, perhaps-as he listened intently to my first question, which admittedly came with an edge of challenge. I mulled it for a few moments before continuing with what I considered to be the next logical question. But miracles lie outside of science, which by definition deals with the natural, the repeatable, that which is governed by law. No, because the law merely states what happens under idealized conditions, assuming no other factors are interfering. P Moreland, the noted philosopher who wrote Christianity and the Nature of Science. He used an illustration of the law of gravity, which says that if you drop an object, it will fall to the earth. I knew, however, that some scientists would nevertheless dismiss the miraculous as mere superstition. We have thousands of years of uniform evidence that dead people simply do not return from the dead. So Hume says no amount of evidence would be able to overcome that tremendous presumption. The odds against that are millions and millions to one, and therefore you should not believe it when the news reports it. As improbable as the Resurrection might seem to skeptics, this has to be weighed against how improbable it would be to have all of the various historical evidence for its occurrence if it never actually took place. Besides, I look at it this way: if God really exists, then in what sense is it improbable that he would raise Jesus from the dead? He looked into the Resurrection and concluded from the evidence that God raised Jesus from the dead.